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Addio al roaming internazionale in UE?

Mercoledì la commissione per l’Industria ha approvato l’accordo tra Consiglio e Commissione sulla fine del roaming. I costi legati al roaming dovrebbero diminuire già dall’anno prossimo, mentre dal 15 giugno 2017 chiamare o mandare un’email dall’estero costerà lo stesso che dal proprio paese d’origine.

 

  • L’Unione europea ha cominciato a ridurre i costi legati al roaming già dal 2007.
  • Il Parlamento ha chiesto più volte che questi costi venissero eliminati del tutto.
  • Il 30 giugno 2015 il Parlamento, il Consiglio e la Commissione hanno trovato un accordo sul ‘pacchetto telecomunicazioni’ che dovrebbe abolire il roaming a partire dal 15 giugno 2017.
  • Dal 30 aprile 2016 al 14 giugno 2017 ci sarà un periodo di transizione in cui gli operatori telefonici potranno ancora addebitare dei costi minimi legati al roaming (Esempio: Se a livello nazionale una chiamata costa 8 centesimi al minuto, all’estero non potrà superare i 13 centesimi al minuto).
  • L’accordo tra Parlamento e Consiglio prevede anche le prime regole sulla neutralità della rete a livello europeo che garantiscono un libero accesso ai contenuti in rete.

Qui il “tariffario

Annunci

The modern Greek tragedy | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal

The modern Greek tragedy | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal.


IMF suggests haircuts, but from Europe only – Il FMI suggerisce il taglio del debito, ma solo dall’Europa

The IMF published an update to it’s report about the Greece debt sustainability today.

They basicly say: our ideas would have worked, but after the referendum you messed everything up. The new situations gives you three choices: maturity extension of 30 years, annual transfers to the Greek budget or deep upfront haircuts (choices up to Europe, of course).

What if the IMF started to cut some of the 78 rates that are due from here to 2024 (see list below)?

By the way, please note that the rate that Greece could not pay was due to the IMF, not to Eurozone creditors.

***

E’ stato pubblicato oggi un aggiornamento del Fondo Monetario Internazionale relativo alla stima dello stesso FMI sulla sostenibilità del debito pubblico greco.

In pratica il succo di questo documento è il seguente: le idee che avevamo espresso nel nostro rapporto sulla sostenibilità del debito greco pubblicato prima del referendum avrebbero funzionato, ma ora avete incasinato tutto e per colpa vostra non funziona più. La nuova situazione vi offre tre scelte: estendere il periodo dei rimborsi per altri 30 anni, versare annualmente denaro nelle casse greche o tagliare il debito (quello dovuto all’Europa, beninteso).

E se iniziasse il FMI a tagliare qualcuna delle 78 rate che deve incassare da qui al 2024 (vedere l’elenco in basso)?

A proposito, si noti che la rata che la Grecia non ha potuto ripagare era dovuta al FMI, non a ceditori dell’Eurozona.

IMF        June 30, 2015 OVERDUE               €1,563,917,156

IMF        July 13, 2015      €457,731,851     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Sept. 4, 2015      €305,154,567     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Sept. 14, 2015   €343,298,888     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Sept. 16, 2015   €572,164,813     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Sept. 21, 2015   €343,298,888     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Oct. 13, 2015      €457,731,851     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Dec. 7, 2015       €305,154,567     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Dec. 16, 2015     €572,164,813     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Dec. 21, 2015     €343,298,888     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Jan. 13, 2016      €457,731,851     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        March 7, 2016   €305,154,567     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        March 16, 2016 €572,164,813     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        April 13, 2016     €457,731,851     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        June 7, 2016       €305,154,567     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        July 13, 2016      €457,731,851     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Sept. 7, 2016      €305,154,567     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        Sept. 19, 2016   €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 7, 2016       €305,154,567     Loan under the IMF’s first bailout program for Greece, in 2010.*

IMF        March 17, 2017 €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 18, 2017      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Sept. 19, 2017   €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 4, 2017       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 18, 2018      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 31, 2018      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        March 19, 2018 €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 4, 2018       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 18, 2018      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 31, 2018      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Sept. 19, 2018   €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 3, 2018       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 4, 2018       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 18, 2019      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 31, 2019      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        March 19, 2019 €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 3, 2019       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 4, 2019       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 18, 2019      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 31, 2019      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Sept. 19, 2019   €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 3, 2019       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 4, 2019       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 17, 2020      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 31, 2020      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        March 19, 2020 €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 3, 2020       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 4, 2020       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 17, 2020      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 31, 2020      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Sept. 18, 2020   €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 3, 2020       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 4, 2020       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 18, 2021      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 29, 2021      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        March 19, 2021 €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 3, 2021       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 4, 2021       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 16, 2021      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 30, 2021      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Sept. 17, 2021   €148,058,591     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 3, 2021       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 3, 2021       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 18, 2022      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 31, 2022      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        March 18, 2022 €148,058,601     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 3, 2022       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 3, 2022       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 18, 2022      €296,117,183     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 29, 2022      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 2, 2022       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 2, 2022       €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 18, 2023      €296,117,188     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Jan. 31, 2023      €159,455,853     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 2, 2023       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 2, 2023       €159,455,864     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        July 31, 2023      €159,455,864     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        Dec. 1, 2023       €318,911,708     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†

IMF        June 3, 2024       €318,911,713     Loan under the IMF’s second bailout for Greece, in 2012.†


Comment on Mr Varoufakis’ Statement of July 14h, 2015

This morning Mr. Varoufakis published a post on his blog with his first considerations about the Statement made by the Eurogroup on July 13th.

I commented, but as he seems not to like my comments a lot, my comment hasn’t been approved up to now (that much for those who talk nonsense about democracy).

 

Following is my comment (your toughts would be appreciated).

Dear mr Varoufakis, first of all I’d like to underline that the Treaty of Versailles was conceived to cripple Germany in every aspect (territories, colonies, politics, economy, traffic, import and export, military, and so on). Greece has been crippled by it’s past governments.
You talk about “integration”, but how can you speak of integration when integration is meant as limitless support and extension of debts ad libitum?
You are right when you say that Syriza bears no responsibility for killing the European project: but Greece does, at least in the same amount of the other countries. Syriza inherited a time-bomb when it came to power, and Syriza can not be held responsible for the situation your country suffers in these days. Except for one thing: the childish behaviour during the negotiations in the past months.
I totally agree with you about the fact that a Political Union is preparatory and mandatory for every other step. But I fear that you would not accept the implications: a progressive and complete abrogation of national sovereignty in every single field and the creation of a single supra-national government elected by the totality of the Europeans, regardless of the single former sovereign state population.
At least, this is my dream of a European Union (as well as yours, I guess).

You call the Statement of the Eurosummit “Terms of Surrender”. This is a subtle way to condition the ideas of your readers, Mr Varoufakis. Very close to an induced response for the puplic opinion. The Statement simply says under which conditions you will get funds, nothing more. Hard conditions, I agree. But it is not the lender who should be blamed, when the debtor proved not reliable. Quod erat demonstrandum, your bluff during the negotiations exploded in your hands.

Caling on “humiliation” is another subtle way to draw sympathy to your situation. It’s understandable, but a very poor way of conducting yourself.
You talk about “decency and reason”. I ask you: “Is it more decent or reasonable not to fulfill the obligations one committed himself to (in 2012, for example)?”. It is a matter of position only, I think.

I have to credit you one thing, nevertheless: claiming that “you are next” and talking about a “coup” is a good idea to draw attention from other populists, in other countries.
If the EU Summit mines the cohesion of Europe, you are doing your part as well, proving that your interest lies only in your backyard.

You, Yanis Varoufakis, became an important icon for thousands of Europeans. You are now in the condition to shake what is wrong with Europe. People look at you as a leader, because you speak straight and do not show yourself accomodating.
But unfortunately you decide to waste your charisma in a personal crusade against the EU in general and Germany in particular.
Did someone tell you that WWII is over?
In any case, you have my respect for not being a weathercock like our local politicians (read: Italian).

 

 

 

 


Io sto con Schäuble. Ecco perché.

Quando tutti già stavano stappando il proverbiale Champagne per l’accordo raggiunto tra Unione Europea e Grecia ecco che Wolfgang Schäuble, Ministro delle Finanze della Germania dal 2009 (e quindi la crisi l’ha vissuta tutta sulle sue spalle), gela tutti quanti affermando che no, non bastano le promesse fatte dalla Grecia. La motivazione principale è che dei greci non ci si può fidare.

Ora, quello che pensate della Germania tenetevelo per voi, non mi interessa. Ma come può il Ministro delle Finanze del paese che più di tutti gli altri ha prestato alla Grecia (la BCE elargisce i prestiti in base alle quote in capitale che ogni paese ha, e la Germania, nel solo 2010, per esempio, ha sborsato 22,4 miliardi di euro, secondo in quantità solo al FMI) fidarsi ancora dopo gli ultimi sei mesi di trattative? Né Tsipras né, tantomeno, Varoufakis si sono dimostrati affidabili, limitandosi entrambi a un mero ostruzionismo populista denso di propaganda anti-europea e demagogica, fino a interrompere le negoziazioni e a scaricare sulle spalle dei greci la responsabilità della decisione (causando con questo una perdita di 12 miliardi al suo paese, oltre a tutti i guai che stanno passando i greci). Non solo Tsipras si è dimostrato un debitore insolvente, no. Ha anche avuto l’ardire di rifiutarsi di negoziare (e per quelli di voi che pensano che il referendum greco sia stata la vittoria della democrazia ho una sola risposta: nulla in tutto quello che sta succedendo ha a che fare con la democrazia, ma semplicemente con la sovranità nazionale).

Inoltre, per la Germania è inconcepibile un taglio del debito, perché vorrebbe dire che un paese può indebitarsi ad libitum per poi invocare un taglio. Creerebbe un precedente che potrebbero invocare altri stati (Spagna e Italia in primis). Si noti che Grecia, Spagna e Italia sono i paesi in cui Syriza, Podemos e Movimento 5 Stelle rappresentano il populismo pragmatico che governa, nel primo paese, o che potrebbe governare, negli altri due e sono anche i tre paesi che soffrono di indebitamento cronico istituzionalizzato. In questi paesi le misure di Austerity colpiscono governi non avvezzi a rinunce o a tagli decisi, e nessuno di questi tre paesi ha una leadership con il coraggio di imporre riforme e ristrutturazioni drastiche (pensiamo solo alla lotta alla corruzione e all’evasione fiscale). Nessuna sopresa, quindi, che questi peaesi vengano considerati poco affidabili.

Al momento ci sono due schieramenti opposti nei confronti della Grecia: Nord Europa contro Sud Europa. E già questa contrapposizione è un sintomo che l’Europa, così com’è, non funziona.

I paesi del Nord Europa non intendono regalare più nulla alla Grecia, e in ogni caso non in cambio di parole e vuote promesse. E non intendono procedere ad alcun taglio sul debito. Oltre alla Germania, che ne è il rappresentante più importante, parliamo di Finlandia e dei paesi baltici, per esempio. La Finlandia ha il suo deficit da curare, mentre Estonia, Lettonia e Lituania non hanno certo delle economie che si possono permettere prestiti miliardari alla Grecia (tutte e tre hanno adottato l’euro dopo il primo pacchetto di aiuti, e le ultime due dopo il secondo). Perché dovrebbero rischiare miliardi per chi ha dimostrato di non poterli restituire?

I paesi del Sud Europa, invece, tendono a porsi dalla parte greca, chi più chi meno cautamente. La Spagna, con elezioni a Novembre, e l’Italia, notoriamente governata da scavalcafossi professionisti sempre impegnati a schierarsi dalla parte di chi al momento sembra rappresentare il punto di vista vincente.

In mezzo c’è la Francia, il grande mediatore, ma più per una sorta di paura cronica di contare in Europa meno della Germania (come effettivamente è). Sta portando avanti un gioco tutto suo, diciamo.

Ogni paese dell’Eurozona ha i suoi problemi finanziari, e tutti cercano di rientrare nei parametri stabiliti come riescono. La Grecia aveva avuto indicazioni precise su cosa fare per meritarsi l’aiuto dalla BCE e dal ESM. Ma è stato fatto poco, e male. Ora si ritrova con un Primo Ministro che ha ereditato una situazione tragica (per il solo fatto di aver accettato di governare un paese in quelle condizioni Tsipras merita tutta la mia ammirazione) ma che ha giocato malissimo il suo bluff, perdendo in un solo colpo tutta la sua credibilità sia all’esterno (presso gli altri 18 rappresentanti dell’Eurozona), che all’interno (presso il suo partito prima e il suo paese poi).

Detto ciò, qual è l’errore nel volere vedere approvate le riforme necessarie e richieste prima di elargire ulteriori prestiti?

Ecco perché io sto con Schäuble.

 

Aggiungo una considerazione finale.

Se ancora l’Europa non è una Federazione di Stati forte e determinante nel mondo (oltre a essere il mercato più importante) è solo perché ogni singolo Stato (Germania compresa) antepone i propri interessi a quelli della Comunità, pensando, forse, di essere più democratico degli altri. Direte, giustamente, che la Germania si comporta come se fosse a capo dell’Unione Europea. E altrettanto giustamente io vi chiedo: “Perché no?” La Germania è l’economia più forte in Europa, è il paese che ha messo nella BCE più denaro degli altri, è il paese da cui tutti si aspettano una soluzione o un intervento (salvo poi lamentarsene ipocritamente). Angela Merkel è il Leader europeo cui è riconosciuta la massima importanza dal resto del mondo.

Quindi perché non inserirsi sulla scia tedesca? Che importano le stupide rivendicazioni dei singoli paesi (Germania compresa) quando in palio c’è la creazione di una Federazione che può competere senza sforzo con USA, Cina e Russia su ogni fronte?

Quando l’orgoglio verrà messo da parte?

 

Coloro che sottoscrissero il Trattato che istituiva l’Unione Europea scrissero:

[…[ DETERMINATI a porre le fondamenta di un’unione sempre più stretta fra i popoli europei […]

Sembra che questa determinazione sia venuta a mancare.


Replying to Mr. Yanis Varoufakis

This morning, Mr. Varoufakis, former Greek Minister of Finance (sacked less than a week ago), you published this post on your blog: Behind Germany’s refusal to grant Greece debt relief

Dear Mr. Varoufakis,

so what you are saying is that Greece, from 2010 on, has been a cowardly trembling sheep in front of blood seeking EU wolves?

Why are you blaming Germany and not the other 17 EU States? Why are you blaming Germany and not your past governments? You want to know who you are entitled to blame, as a Greek and as a Greek Politician?

There you go:

Kostas Simitis 1996 – 2000

Simitis II 2000 – 2004

Kostas Karamanlis 2004 – 2007

Karamanlis II 2007 – 2009

George A. Papandreou 2009 – 2011

Lucas Papademos 2011 – 2012

Panagiotis Pikrammenos may 2012 – june 2012

Antonis Samaras 2012 – 2015

You know who they are, don’t you?

Were was Yanis Varoufakis when on January 14th 2013, ATTIKO METRO S.A. and THEMELI S.A. Contracting Company signed the Contract for the construction of the Tramway Extension to Piraeus, for an amount equal to EURO 61.5 million?

I know the funds from NSRF are not connected to Greek debt, but it’s funny that Yanis Varoufakis did not yell against the bad Germans when rivers of money flowed from EU towards Greek for infrastructure.

The same goes for the Thessaloniki Metro extension to Kalamaria, signed in June 2013, funded by the EIB for an overall budget of € 518 million.
And there are many more examples.

Were was Yanis Varoufakis when Greece took advantage of European funds?

(Maybe it’s normal for your culture? Remember Pericles and the Parthenon? The funds came from the Delian League)

Now it turns out that Germany is the enemy? Now it turns out that Schäuble is the Antichrist?

Please stop this flumadiddle, Mr Varoufakis. WWII is over and Germany and the EU are not your enemy (or, better to say, are not Greece’s enemy).

It is time to try to build up a new Europe. And if this is possible it’s also thanks to you. But now you are acting like a child who discovered that his favourite toy is broken.

Please grow up Mr. Varoufakis.

Update 11/07/2015 at 14,00: the comment is still awaiting moderation after 2 hours (but three comments posted later have been approved). Clearly mr Varoufakis doesn’t like critics

Update 14/07/2015 at 15,00: the comment is still awaiting moderation after 3 full days. Meanwhile tons of comments have been made.

commento varoufakis screenshot


Maryam Rajavi speaks at the conference in Paris entitled, Democratic and Tolerant Islam against Fundamentalist, Religious Dictatorship

Maryam Rajavi speaks at the conference in Paris entitled, Democratic and Tolerant Islam against Fundamentalist, Religious Dictatorship.

Because Daesh and Boko Haram are NOT Islam.